IN PEOPLE’S NAME

“There is no worse mistake in public leadership than to hold out false hopes soon to be swept.” Winston Churchill

As an individual, I have always in mind and regarded history as a source material, which provides a record. Thus, if any person wants to heed about the things in life, no one is in better circumstance to tell - so long as keeping in mind the possibility to miss all those things where we are in no position to observe. But why did people want their story or history to be told?

Peace and freedom are two essential tips in human life. Freedom is a universal value that would come in time to all people in the world, and that we all had a responsibility to help speed the coming of that day from every angle. That is why we need to be committed to the large idea of rule of law and legitimacy in order to realize and practice the existence of tranquility.

At different moments, certain persons may rise to prominence largely as a matter of opportunity. It is pleasant to see a number using all the opportunities at hand in leading the populace to betterment all through such life span. To the contrary, however, we observe also commitments conked out and guiding principles revolutionize in the name of nationalism, reformation, opposition, etc. in order to fit some personal ambitions as well as short-term reaching.

Eritreans have stepped back from the brink of chaos quite more than a few times in the past several decades. In 1950s, civilization gasped in horror to cause suffering of the country at its capacity via annexation. Yet again, in the years of 60s, 70s and 80s where the world joined in a further step away from the fairness without any reaction to the injustices done upon the Eritrean populace and its struggle for freedom. Though the 90s was a bit of breath giving time, yet another story of war quashed the clear skies of people’s hope. And at the present, in the new era of millennium, the unfortunate border conflict with neighboring nation and former ally, Ethiopia, which has been extended to ‘no peace - no war’ situation. This time not only the world has make it very clear to give its back but the people have been disrespected, ignored, denied by the at most concerned few nationalists. More to these realities the country is almost in isolation from global international relations.

The extended dark shadows of the long war, however, were beginning to retreat. The mouthful air of serenity displayed the defrayal and straightening up of bountiful homes. Many were cheerful to see the long last economic and social tribulations being driven away in such a short instance during the mid of 90’s. Nonetheless, the light of truth, the fresh breeze of justice and synchronization are virtually languishing about this new, peaceful and free land. The rule of law marches out of the institution of justice down to an absolute rule. The pain, agony, the destruction and uncertainty are invigorating. The saga again and again is war, national security, in plea of sovereignty of the country and its people’s free will.

The country’s situation is heartbreaking, and so is the thought that many Eritrean citizens have come to see the motherland as enemy-occupied territory. Youth, running away from the country not only for better opportunities but with almost extreme dislike of the ruling system; the aged surrounded by wretchedness; and the children missing any slight hope as well as protection for their future. Politicians, akin to the existing figures, inside and outside of the country - and everybody else - who push emotional buttons, have themselves to blame as those sentiment are turning against them. The appeal is subtler than that and more conflicted.

The calamity is Eritrea has one of the largest groups of reform-minded in East Africa. It seems an odd combination, though: a good number of conservative society and a vast swath of modernists. Because of the war for independence, tens of thousands of its citizens had been forced to dwell in the Western world over the past few decades. Unlike other African countries, nearly all did not return home espousing the present government. For the most part, they liked the West, especially the life style of the United States and Europe, wealth and the so-called ‘democracy’ of the modern world to some extent. There may be also some other unknown reasons. Their return, however, could have, at least, contributed at shaping the present system not to commit such grave ill-mannered mistakes upon its own people. Especially, those who were fully aware the way the system was moving its political agenda. I would say that the presence of such people could have been played as a deterrent factor in many respects.

With the exception of small in number along with different raison d'être, many were confident in the then leadership in the hope that the country will become a prominent paradigm in Africa. That it will unleash economic reforms: that education will flourish; that general public problems will be moved out of the shadows of everyday life; that Eritrea will be sited in libretto of books of records eternally. Though they were in complete support, everyone was also exceedingly desperate to see encouraging changes in several sectors of the government. The problem, however, is for the most part Eritreans do not want to appear anti-autocracy, albeit they are. The possible reason for this might be that still the largest part of the population supports the existing leadership. In such circumstances, those citizens in disagreement retort by an unusual means. Some by assimilating themselves with a group which at least gives them a room to score upon others fault and backbite because they can say, look he’s an Eritrean who’s done such and such off beam ends. Others also either they keep themselves to a distance or remain quite. Hear no evil, see no evil. Prejudices, however, are always reassuring to those who hold them.

The current government may have not taken any formal vow of silence. As its existence is predicated on the singularly Eritrean conviction that what goes on during the morning in the office and what goes on during the evening behind closed doors bear no relationship to one another, and must always remain compartmentalized and separate. Probably it is to their credit that these people of the hours of darkness regard their roles as a kind of public trust, but in any case, these people who violate that trust put themselves in an untenable position. In that they had dominance, power, and pre-eminence, taken as a whole advantage over anyone in the country at present. However, their ties with the native country had already been severed. This may be an announcement, at least in part, why they no longer felt constrained to silence but why they chose to march down the horrendous path.

Acknowledging error is not weakness: it can be wise statecraft. It is a common sense to take a method and try it. If it fails, admit it frankly and try another. But above all it is worth to try something. At this instant the new generation is facing inferno in diverse arenas. The best effort to grasp and apply the lessons of what has gone wrong before need to be revealed in solving the forth-coming disastrous event.

To prevail over hostility, the regime needs to make accessible a room for the opponents, activist, and reformists. Every noxious version of opposition has had a free rein in Eritrea, and yet all liberal ideas and debates have always been closed down. Even the infant but fruitful steps the regime has allowed - publication of private press – have been followed by reversals. When the so-called “liberals” put forward a request suggesting reforms that would lead to a constitutional government, the regime arrested some of them and forced them to recant. Similarly, when several ordinary as well as professional Eritrean citizens stepped forward to present their self-discipline to resolve the disagreement within the leadership, they were branded as hypocrites and conspirators. The government continues to imprison those who refuse to take part in this charade. Such vicious and illegitimate act was extended to many ordinary citizens who candidly were trying to advocate and familiarize the public with the rule of law. With this kind of imbalance, is it any surprise that the public is more receptive to the fundamentals of the government than reformist thought? Eritrea is a bit conservative society. But it also has political and social elites who have reinforced and perpetuated that conservatism for their purpose.

Patience of the people should not be considered as submissiveness. This tolerance is not a manner of passivity, as the natives have developed a culture to remain quiet in order to circumvent conflict among each other; to avoid the demise of its own historic reaching; to embark upon obnoxious of unfamiliar guiding principles; to bring significant solutions to differences, and in anticipating the leadership will be heedful in the corollary of superfluous clash within the general public. Beyond any belief, Eritrea is bestowed with people who are more commonsensical and considerate to their determination than the leadership. If this is considered as passivity then, those people who are fond of pointing a finger should mind more about what should be unawareness and dilemma. They need to ask themselves why this is happening.

Finally, those who involve themselves in politics have to act in a way that doesn’t create a much bigger problem than it solve. In a jiffy incident I spent some time speaking to young Eritreans and asked them who their role models in the country are. “That is our basic problem,” replied one of them, a former student from the new colleges in Eritrea and deeply patriotic about his country. He carries on without waiting to my response, “We have no role models at all. Not one.” I asked if there was someone in the country or any other place he looked up to and he simply laughed. His laughter was not a simple chuckle but a deep sigh of sadness.

Young people have higher expectations. They are more optimistic and see through the shams of and phoniness more than the existing folks of an older age (with all due respect to all their bravura contribution). The aged people have become accustomed to the sham of Eritrean politics and are not as prone to challenge it. “Father Knows Best” is long since off the air. Let’s give an opening to other young people to prove their thoughtfulness, solidarity, and support. Success will depend not only on the military mission or past reputation but on the follow-on phase of wise nation-building process in different aspects and issues. If it is done with careful planning, international support and coordination with local groups, undeniably it has a big payoff. Let’s hope everyone will learn from the mistakes of our leaders ubiquitously. Once the rock starts going down a hill, there is nothing to stop it. God forbid.